Daily insights for city builders, delivered every morning at 6 AM ET. I’m Brandon Donnelly — a Toronto-based real estate developer and founder of Globizen. I’ve been writing here since 2013.

Search results for: “road pricing”

  • A look back at (almost) a year of New York’s congestion zone

    December 23, 2025 · View original


    It has now been almost a year since New York City implemented its congestion charge for the area of Manhattan south of 60th Street and, despite all of the critics, the results are overwhelmingly positive. Here are some of the most important data points:

    – Pollution is down by as much as 22% in the congestion zone area. – Traffic has declined by about 11% in the zone. As a reminder, traffic improved basically immediately following the $9 charge. – An average of 71,500 fewer vehicles entered the zone each day from January through to November 2025, totalling nearly 24 million fewer vehicles. – The congestion charge is forecasted to bring in $548.3 million in 2025, beating the initial goal of $500 million. (This revenue will be used by the MTA for bond issuances that will in turn fund further infrastructure improvements.) – Importantly, foot traffic in the zone is also up year-over-year compared to Manhattan as a whole (3.5% versus 1.4%, respectively). – Storefront vacancies in the zone declined more rapidly compared to Manhattan as a whole and the rest of the city. (Though the vacancy rate is still the highest in this area, presumably because of the higher rents in downtown and midtown.) – New York City’s sales tax revenue is also up 6.3% this year compared to the same period last year, outperforming all neighboring counties. This suggests that the congestion charge is not keeping shoppers away.

    So, why shouldn’t other North American cities follow New York’s lead?

    Cover photo by ian dooley on Unsplash

  • Why rent control isn’t “free”

    New research shows restrictive reforms can result in a 10% reduction in rental supply

    December 22, 2025 · View original


    One of the basic principles behind rent control policies is that you’re trying to make housing more affordable for some, while at the same time more expensive for others. Economics is the study of choice, and this is a choice, whether it gets talked about or not. Previously, we spoke about a memo from Howard Marks where he describes the impact of rent control in New York City. In economic terms, that impact looks like this:

    – Some people who couldn’t afford to live in New York City if rents were set by the free market get the opportunity to live in the city (their housing is more affordable) – Other people who would like to live in New York City and could afford higher rents can’t because there are no available apartments (rent controls reduce housing supply) – And lastly, landlords with unregulated apartments can command higher rents than would be the case if new housing supply were not being discouraged (their housing is more expensive)

    Today, let’s talk about a recent research paper (June 2025) published in the Journal of Housing Economics called, “Rent control and the supply of affordable housing.” What the authors discovered was the following:

    – Restrictive rent control reforms are associated with a 10% reduction in the total number of rental units available in a city – Restrictive rent control reforms led to an increase in the availability of units affordable to extremely low-income households – This was offset by a decline in the availability of units to other income groups, particularly those at slightly higher affordability thresholds

    Once again, we see the economic trade-offs inherent in supply-side interventions like rent control. It’s better for some and worse for others. However, governments tend to favor it because it’s “free” to them; the costs are borne by landlords and renters at higher affordability thresholds. I’ll let all of you comment on whether you think this is good or bad, but regardless, I think it’s crucial that we acknowledge the trade-offs being made.

    Cover photo by Benjamin Ashton on Unsplash

  • How online grocery shopping is strengthening retail real estate

    December 16, 2025 · View original


    There are now over 2,300 cities and towns across the US where Amazon offers free same-day grocery delivery for Prime members. This means a 2-hour delivery from an Amazon Fresh or Whole Foods Market. And apparently, 90% of what people buy this way is perishable, namely, fruit. Perishable food purchases also increased 30x this year, according to the company.

    When it comes to online grocery shopping, this falls under what is typically referred to as the “delivery” bucket. There are three main shopping categories. The delivery bucket, which is now the largest category, gets fulfilled through a local grocery store. It’s an Instacart worker or someone else collecting your food and delivering it to your home.

    The next largest bucket is pickup, or click-and-collect. This is where a consumer buys what they want online and then picks it up in person. Lastly, there’s the ship-to-home category. This is typically for non-perishable products, and the difference here is that the goods are coming from a distribution center, as opposed to a local grocery store. Think of it like a typical purchase from Amazon.

    The grocery model continues to evolve rapidly. But local stores — and the real estate that houses them — seem to be remaining central to it. In Toronto, I don’t normally shop at Whole Foods Market, but there is one very close to Parkview Mountain House that I like shopping at when I’m in Park City. And every time I go, it feels more like an Amazon store.

    There’s special pricing and deals for Prime members. The Amazon One palm scanning technology is at every register. And there’s an Amazon return facility in the store to deal with that thing you erroneously ordered from China. It’s all becoming seamlessly integrated with the broader Amazon ecosystem.

    So from a real estate standpoint, the brick-and-mortar store is not being supplanted in the way that people once speculated. The physical store is just continuing to evolve to meet a changing omnichannel landscape, acting as a grocery store, distribution center, physical customer service center, casual restaurant, and more.

    If anything, this makes the real estate more, rather than less, valuable.

    Cover photo by Karsten Winegeart on Unsplash

  • The self-driving paradox: walkable cities or super-sprawl?

    November 24, 2025 · View original


    Fred Wilson chose the perfect quote by William Gibson, here, to describe the current status of self-driving cars: “The future is already here — it’s just not very evenly distributed.” That’s how it feels right now.

    Waymo isn’t in Toronto yet, but they are expanding rapidly throughout the US and elsewhere. Last week they announced fully autonomous driving in five new cities: Miami, Dallas, Houston, San Antonio, and Orlando. Autonomy is here, as we have talked about many times. There’s no longer a question.

    But what’s interesting is that we’re at the point in the hype cycle where expectations are not as inflated as they were a number of years ago (at least that’s the way it appears to me). Years ago, everyone in real estate was talking about how it would disrupt parking requirements and reshape the landscape of our cities.

    So when does this happen?

    Fred ended his post by saying that “the downstream effects of this technology and behavior change are going to be profound.” But he doesn’t get into what these changes might be. Let’s do a reminder of that now. Some of the most commonly believed consequences are as follows:

    – Cars consume a vast amount of real estate and also spend the vast majority of their lives just sitting around idle. Switching to a “mobility-as-a-service” model will require dramatically less parking. This is going to force landlords to repurpose the parking they already have and it’s going to encourage developers to build new buildings with reduced parking, or no parking at all. That will be good for housing affordability. – However, the autonomous vehicles will need to park and corral somewhere at some point. My guess is that we will see something akin to rail yards today. This would be a good use for some of our excess parking, though this use won’t require nearly as much. I would also imagine that many of the cars will leave the most valuable and dense parts of a city during off-peak periods. – At the same time, it’s not clear what the winning business model for AVs will be. Will it be a Waymo-like model where the ride-hailing company owns and operates all of the cars? Will it be a Tesla Robotaxi model where individuals own the cars and put them out to work? In this case, maybe the Robotaxis just go back to people’s individual garages. Or will Uber remain the dominant platform? Meaning, an asset-light model that aggregates customer demand remains the highest-value component of the stack. Personally, I can’t see Tesla’s Robotaxi model being very lucrative for individual owners, so I’m inclined to look toward Waymo and Uber. – Street parking will be replaced by a proliferation of pick-up/drop-off zones. This urban design problem will need to be solved as we dramatically increase the number of people getting in and out of AVs on busy urban streets. – In the mid-1990s, Italian physicist Cesare Marchetti remarked that, all throughout history, humans have tended to cap their commute times at about 60 minutes per day. Something like a half hour each way. This became known as Marchetti’s Constant. What this has meant is that as new technologies (streetcars, cars, and so on) allowed us to move faster within that 60 minutes, humans have tended to sprawl further outward. Will AVs do the same, and could they actually break Marchetti’s Constant? – As we all know, the key difference with AVs is that we will no longer need to pay attention to our commute. We could sit in an AV and sleep, work, watch a movie, or do whatever else we’d like. One can think of it like a mobile office or mobile living room. This should, in theory, make commuting long distances a lot more enjoyable and encourage even greater “super sprawl.” – The counterforce to this phenomenon is that if more people are willing to commute long distances in an AV, we will see demand greatly outstrip supply on our roads. In other words, traffic congestion in large cities will get even worse. I think this will force more/most cities to adopt congestion pricing. Politically, it will finally become acceptable, because now we’ll be able to use “the machines” as our scapegoat. They’re overrunning our cities! Ironically, this means that we won’t adopt the thing that makes driving a lot better until we all stop driving.

    So where do these opposing forces ultimately net out? Well, my view (and bias) is that human-scaled walkable communities will always have value. We are social animals. I also think that the experience within our cities will improve dramatically. Pedestrian safety will increase (the data already supports this) and far less space will be dedicated to cars. Good.

    At the same time, I think that reducing commute friction will encourage an exurban explosion. Like the technologies that came before AVs, it’s going to empower humans to further decentralize. What this will do is exacerbate the divide between our urban cores and our suburban and exurban fringes.

    Of course, this is just me surmising. I don’t really know. But AVs are here, and I think it’s time we get back to discussing and planning for the second and third-order effects of this technology.

  • Toronto isn’t as car-oriented as you might think

    November 13, 2025 · View original


    One of the things that I’ll often hear people say about Toronto is that we’re a car-oriented city with inadequate transit, and that’s why we simply can’t implement things like congestion pricing. Usually it’s accompanied by statements like this: “Sure, I can see how it might work in London or New York, but they have proper transit systems, and we don’t.”

    But is this really fair to say?

    Let’s look at some of the data from the 2022 Transportation Tomorrow Survey.

    For all trips starting and ending in the City of Toronto, people driving themselves around is the dominant mode share at 45.3%. But the transit mode share is not nothing at nearly a quarter of all trips. And if you add up taking transit, walking, cycling (and other forms of micromobility), and taxiing, you get to 42% of all trips within the city. That’s a meaningful number.

    For home-based work trips within the City of Toronto, the split between driving and taking transit becomes dangerously close. (A home-based work trip is a trip within the city that either starts or ends at home and is done for the purpose of work.) Driving sits at 39.4% and transit sits at 37.1%. Add in walking (10.2%), cycling/micromobility (5.8%), and taxiing/ridesharing (1.4%), and non-car forms of mobility dominate when it comes to getting to and from work.

    Looking at all trips to only downtown Toronto, transit once again dominates at 40.4%. Add in the other non-car forms of mobility and we’re up to nearly 75% of all trips.

    The numbers become even more pronounced if we look at only home-based work trips to downtown. In this case, transit ridership increases to 48.7%. Add in the other non-car forms of mobility and we’re now at 80%!

    These are fascinating figures because, let’s say you were considering a congestion charge for motorists driving into downtown Toronto, and that the proceeds of this charge would be used to make impactful investments in transit and other mobility infrastructure. Based on this data, you’d actually be benefiting the greatest number of Torontonians.

    These numbers also help to debunk the objection that people simply have no other option. If you’re coming into downtown Toronto, you have options. The transit exists, and the majority of Torontonians use it.

    I guess Toronto isn’t so car-oriented after all. (The rest of the region is a different story.)

    Charts via the City of Toronto (TTS 2022); cover photo by Aditya Chinchure on Unsplash

  • Do not freeze rents

    June 29, 2025 · View original


    > “Rent control is the second-best way to destroy a city, after bombing.” —Lawrence H. Summers

    Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee for the mayor of New York City, clearly ran a good campaign. He used social media and short-form videos to find his audience and win with the message that the city has become unattainable to most.

    But it is also clear that the stock market really does not like his message. Shares of firms with exposure to New York City’s real estate market reacted immediately: Vornado Realty Trust, SL Green, Equity Residential, Empire State Realty Trust, LXP Industrial Trust, and others, were all down. At the same time, the wealthy vowed to leave New York for places like Florida, as they so often do these days.

    One of reasons for this negative reaction was Mamdani’s commitment to not just cap rent increases, but freeze rents in rent-stabilized units for the entire duration of his term. We’ve spoken a lot about rent control over the years (here, here, here, and other places) but, at a high level, the problem with rent controls is that they create a strong disincentive for landlords to invest and maintain their homes and for developers to build new homes. So what ultimately happens is that you get a more rapidly aging inventory of existing homes and a reduced amount of new supply.

    A full-out rent freeze takes this even further. A rent freeze does not mean that utility costs will also be frozen, that insurance and taxes will be frozen, that interest rates will be capped, and that all other landlord operating expenses will be restricted from inflating. (If this were the case, we really wouldn’t have market economy.) So what a rent freeze does is ensure that, in real dollars, a landlord is able to collect less money from tenants, while operating costs continue to increase under the line.

    The same is true in condominiums and other ownership structures. Whenever somebody talks about frozen maintenance or common element fees, I immediately remind them that this is a bad thing, not a feature. It means the condominium corporation is on an unsustainable path and will eventually run out of money. Something is being sacrificed in order to keep up with rising operating and capital expenses. At the very least, you need to keep up with inflation.

    I can appreciate that rents are too high. As a developer, I would love to be able to build to lower rents. It reduces absorption risk and it’s better for the city. But rather than just freeze rents, a more productive and sustainable approach would be to attack the underlying root causes for the problem. A rent freeze is a short-term political fix that will have second and third-order consequences. Problems for a different day and for a different mayor, perhaps. But problems nonetheless.

    Cover photo by Daryan Shamkhali on Unsplash

  • Waymo is more expensive than Uber and Lyft — huh?

    June 17, 2025 · View original


    The autonomous vehicle narrative has historically gone something like this: remove the labor component of rides (i.e. drivers) and rides will become significantly cheaper. Then, people won’t need or want to own a car anymore. They’ll just Uber or Waymo or whatever around.

    But as Waymo provides in and around 250,000 paid trips per week in the 4 cities in which it operates, the opposite has proven to be true — at least so far. A recent report by Obi (an app that aggregates real-time ride pricing) has just revealed the following for San Francisco during the period of March 25 to April 25, 2025:

    In other words, Waymo is more expensive than Uber and Lyft, especially for shorter distances. Is this right? Well, Waymo may not have to pay drivers, but they do own and operate their own cars. Uber and Lyft do not. This represents a very different cost structure.

    They also have a more inelastic supply base, meaning they have cars whether demand is high or not. Whereas in the case of Uber and Lyft, supply can be variable. That’s the idea behind “surge pricing” — to induce more drivers onto the road when it’s needed the most.

    Fewer Waymos also means that wait times are going to be longer and that their cars are probably spending more time driving around without paying passengers. That’s a cost.

    Whatever the reasons, lots of people seem to be willing to pay the premium. Part of this almost certainly has to do with the novelty of riding in an autonomous vehicle. I’d pay more if they were in Toronto today. But another reason seems to be that people really appreciate being in the car alone. I guess it’s akin to driving your own car.

    It, of course, remains to be seen how Waymo’s cost structure and pricing model will evolve over time, but I have no doubt that privacy will remain a feature people are willing to pay something for. In the modern world, we are all going to have at least two places of solitude: bathrooms and Waymos.

    Cover photo by gibblesmash asdf on Unsplash

  • Early wins are good for city building

    May 11, 2025 · View original


    Here’s a new opinion piece from the Globe and Mail talking about the importance of “early wins” when it comes to building better cities. And whoever wrote it is right.

    One of the examples that is given is New York’s congestion pricing program. We’ve talked a lot about this initiative since the beginning of the year, and one of its important features is that it pretty much started working immediately.

    Travel times, in some cases, dropped by as much as 48% and, in the first two months of its operation, it brought in over $100 million of new revenue for the city. Less congestion and more money. That’s what congestion pricing does.

    Because of this, support for the program has risen. In December 2024, which is before the pricing went into effect, some polls suggested that around 51% of New Yorkers were opposed to the charge.

    But by March 2025, more New York City residents seemed to support the program than oppose it. And again, this is almost certainly because its positive effects were felt right away.

    City building doesn’t always work this quickly. Many or most things take too long. But finding ways to post early wins is good practice. It also provides a quick feedback loop just in case things need to be changed.

    Cover photo by Murat Onder on Unsplash

  • Zurich’s clever (but underrated) solution to traffic congestion

    April 25, 2025 · View original


    > Tweet: Traffic is horrible in Toronto and it will only get better once we fully embrace a post-car future. Everyone driving around most of the time just isn’t going to work for a city region of our scale.

    We talk a lot about mobility and traffic congestion on this blog — particularly in the context of Toronto — and that’s because it remains a problem and we continue to avoid any sort of big and meaningful moves. Instead, we like to politicize the problem and find scapegoats, such as bike lanes. So I think it’s important to have regular reminders that we do actually know how to address this problem. It’s a choice we and other cities can make.

    Here are three examples and possible solutions:

    – Copenhagen: Over 60% of residents use a bicycle to commute to work or school. It is one of the most bike-friendly cities in the world. You’ve probably heard this before and are prepared to say, “yeah, well, we’re not Copenhagen.” But it’s important to point out that neither was Copenhagen. In the early-to-mid 70s, the modal split for bikes was somewhere between ~10-15%. – Singapore: This is one of my favorite examples. Singapore is home to the world’s first congestion charge zone (1975). And it operates on a dynamic pricing model, meaning that traffic congestion is continually monitored and road prices are adjusted to ensure that traffic always flows at certain minimum speed. It’s a highly effective tool and there’s no shortage of global case studies. Here’s Miami. – Zurich: Despite being one of the wealthiest cities in Europe, car ownership is relatively low (~40-45% of the population, compared to ~60-65% in Toronto). This is due to a great public transit system (Swiss trains and stuff) and because of strict parking policies, among other things.

    Zurich has a hard cap on the number of parking spaces in the central part of the city. It is set at 1990 levels, which works out to about 7,600 total parking spaces.). What this means is that if somebody, like a big bad developer, wants to build off-street parking, they need to simultaneously reduce the parking supply somewhere else. You can’t exceed the cap.

    This obviously discourages car usage and moderates the demand for city streets, but it also serves as a clever way to slowly replace on-street parking with better uses, such as an enhanced public realm. This policy has been in place since 1989 and it has had a dramatic effect on car usage. Between 2000 and 2021, the share of car trips in the city decreased from 40% to 29%.

    I know that many of you will scoff at these solutions and think “yeah, there’s no way.” But this is how you make traffic better. You reduce demand and use our finite amount of road capacity more efficiently. So we can either make bold moves or we can continue to complain about traffic.

    Cover photo by Claudio Schwarz on Unsplash

  • The price of construction depends

    February 14, 2025 · View original


    The typical way to buy or procure construction is create a set of drawings, put them out for tender to people who can build what is shown, select the lowest/best bidder, and then proceed with construction. This is commonly referred to as “design-bid-build.” There are, of course, others ways to procure construction, but this is the traditional method. And in an idealized world, it would always work out very well for owners and developers. But in reality, it’s a lot more complicated.

    The important prerequisite for this method is a great set of drawings (more broadly, great contract documents). Because that is effectively the thing you are buying. Unfortunately, great drawing sets don’t always happen and there are generally a few reasons for this. One possible scenario might be that you just don’t have enough time to produce them. Maybe the market is hot and you want to start construction yesterday, or maybe you have some deadline to meet. Whatever the case, you’re in a rush.

    But the most likely scenario is that the drawings aren’t great simply because the people doing them aren’t good or because, hey, we are all only human. Things were missed, there are mistakes, and the drawings weren’t fully coordinated across the various disciplines. There’s no such thing as 100% perfect drawings. And that results in construction risk, because you’ve now bought things that are wrong and that will need to be corrected later.

    Changes are costly. Later is also a suboptimal time for the simple fact that the price of construction depends on the current situation you happen to be in. Early on before a contract is awarded, buyers of construction have the most, or least some, leverage. The bid process is designed to be competitive and so bidders generally need to sharpen their pencils if they want to win the work. But once a job has been awarded and construction starts, that leverage flips.

    Scope gaps and change orders become that much more expensive because, well, they can be. Switching costs are prohibitively high at this point. And it doesn’t just work with scope additions. You will also be penalized for going in the opposite direction and removing scope items (i.e. credits). In these situations, you should expect to receive cents on the dollar back. This is one of the great asymmetries of construction pricing.

    My point with this post is simply that the price of construction depends — it depends on how and when you are buying it. It’s a very opaque market and it’s important to keep that in mind.