The stated policy goal of inclusionary zoning is to to produce more affordable housing. We can debate who ultimately pays for this below-market housing, and we have many times before on the blog, but for the purposes of this post let's just focus on its stated goal.
Given this ambition, it makes sense to carefully measure the number of affordable homes produced. And that is ordinarily what is done: "We implemented this new policy on this date, and since then we have produced X amount of new affordable housing."
It is then likely that we will take X and form opinions on whether it was a successful policy or not. If X seems like a lot, then maybe we think it's a good policy. And if X doesn't seem like a lot, then maybe we think it was a bad policy, or perhaps just an ineffective one.
But what is largely impossible to measure with any real precision is the number of new market-rate homes that are now not being built as a result of a policy. Let's call this number Y. It is, of course, possible to come up with an estimate by looking broadly at rents across the city, plugging in some development costs, and seeing what pencils. But this is a rough approximation.
It does not capture the countless times that a developer has looked at a possible housing site, only to come to the conclusion that it is not feasible to build. There is no official Y figure. And any amorphous estimates of Y are going to be easy to ignore by the general public anyway. Unbuilt homes? Opportunity costs? What?
I am saying (okay repeating) all of this because I continue to feel like most people believe that development will just happen no matter what is thrown at it. There is a housing shortage, right? So developers should just do what they do best and build today. Surely they could if they were genuinely nice people and really wanted to. Hmm.
What many people seem to ignore (or not know) is that development, and in turn new housing supply, operates under this very simple decision tree:
Find development site
Underwrite said site
If math works, seek capital/investors and then build
If math does not work, do not build
If math works, but capital doesn't like it, also do not build (most can't in this scenario)
Repeat
Just because you aren't seeing or noticing something, it does not mean that it doesn't exist and that it's not happening behind the scenes.
Here's the thing about housing:
The delegates insisted on one hand that “housing is for living not speculation”, but on the other, emphasised the critical importance of real estate to China’s economic growth.
In other words, things are complicated. We want housing to be affordable to more people, but at the same time, we recognize that housing appreciation is kind of useful for overall economic growth. So we're a bit conflicted. And that may be why we tend to take contradictory actions.
Broadly speaking, the current playbook in Canada seems to be as follows: heavily tax new housing, force those who can afford new market-rate housing to subsidize those who can't, and then tax/ban foreign buyers.
https://twitter.com/donnelly_b/status/1611177601220968449?s=20&t=6fy7zjUvjlQEEEhYKURIGQ
Canada's new foreign buyer ban came into effect on January 1 of this year. And for the next 2 years, it prohibits companies and people who are not Canadian citizens or permanent residents from acquiring non-recreational, residential property in Canada. (What is the definition of non-recreational?)
While this may sound good to some -- finally, more homes for Canadians -- we're talking about a relatively small portion of the market, which is likely why there's also little evidence that any of our foreign buyer taxes have been all that effective.
It's really hard to imagine this one working much better. But it certainly sounds like something.
This Twitter thread by Richard Wittstock of Domus Homes (developer out in Vancouver) is a timely follow-on to yesterday's post about housing supply, land-use regulations, and specific policies such as inclusionary zoning. What Richard clearly describes in his thread is the economic impact of a Community Amenity Contribution (CAC) that requires developers to provide 20% social housing.
https://twitter.com/rwittstock/status/1581061030540873728?s=20&t=EGty0SC2Fk6AYt3qk3IE5g
The thread will walk you through all of the specific numbers, but I think there are three important takeaways:
Everything has a cost. It is entirely disingenuous for anyone to refer to inclusionary zoning or other similar policies as a mechanism for "no-cost" affordable housing. Even if you believe it is the right public policy approach, there is still a cost. Social housing doesn't just appear out of thin air.
In Richard's thread, the remaining market rate condominiums end up needing to be sold for $1,750 psf in order for the entire project to pencil. This is a significant number. But in this case, it is a result of these homes needing to shoulder the cost of the social housing. It is basically saying "housing is too expensive, so let's make it more expensive so that we can use some of the incremental proceeds to finance less expensive housing."
If the math doesn't work, developers will not build new housing.
P.S. Thank you Volodya Gusak for pointing out Richard's thread to me.
The stated policy goal of inclusionary zoning is to to produce more affordable housing. We can debate who ultimately pays for this below-market housing, and we have many times before on the blog, but for the purposes of this post let's just focus on its stated goal.
Given this ambition, it makes sense to carefully measure the number of affordable homes produced. And that is ordinarily what is done: "We implemented this new policy on this date, and since then we have produced X amount of new affordable housing."
It is then likely that we will take X and form opinions on whether it was a successful policy or not. If X seems like a lot, then maybe we think it's a good policy. And if X doesn't seem like a lot, then maybe we think it was a bad policy, or perhaps just an ineffective one.
But what is largely impossible to measure with any real precision is the number of new market-rate homes that are now not being built as a result of a policy. Let's call this number Y. It is, of course, possible to come up with an estimate by looking broadly at rents across the city, plugging in some development costs, and seeing what pencils. But this is a rough approximation.
It does not capture the countless times that a developer has looked at a possible housing site, only to come to the conclusion that it is not feasible to build. There is no official Y figure. And any amorphous estimates of Y are going to be easy to ignore by the general public anyway. Unbuilt homes? Opportunity costs? What?
I am saying (okay repeating) all of this because I continue to feel like most people believe that development will just happen no matter what is thrown at it. There is a housing shortage, right? So developers should just do what they do best and build today. Surely they could if they were genuinely nice people and really wanted to. Hmm.
What many people seem to ignore (or not know) is that development, and in turn new housing supply, operates under this very simple decision tree:
Find development site
Underwrite said site
If math works, seek capital/investors and then build
If math does not work, do not build
If math works, but capital doesn't like it, also do not build (most can't in this scenario)
Repeat
Just because you aren't seeing or noticing something, it does not mean that it doesn't exist and that it's not happening behind the scenes.
Here's the thing about housing:
The delegates insisted on one hand that “housing is for living not speculation”, but on the other, emphasised the critical importance of real estate to China’s economic growth.
In other words, things are complicated. We want housing to be affordable to more people, but at the same time, we recognize that housing appreciation is kind of useful for overall economic growth. So we're a bit conflicted. And that may be why we tend to take contradictory actions.
Broadly speaking, the current playbook in Canada seems to be as follows: heavily tax new housing, force those who can afford new market-rate housing to subsidize those who can't, and then tax/ban foreign buyers.
https://twitter.com/donnelly_b/status/1611177601220968449?s=20&t=6fy7zjUvjlQEEEhYKURIGQ
Canada's new foreign buyer ban came into effect on January 1 of this year. And for the next 2 years, it prohibits companies and people who are not Canadian citizens or permanent residents from acquiring non-recreational, residential property in Canada. (What is the definition of non-recreational?)
While this may sound good to some -- finally, more homes for Canadians -- we're talking about a relatively small portion of the market, which is likely why there's also little evidence that any of our foreign buyer taxes have been all that effective.
It's really hard to imagine this one working much better. But it certainly sounds like something.
This Twitter thread by Richard Wittstock of Domus Homes (developer out in Vancouver) is a timely follow-on to yesterday's post about housing supply, land-use regulations, and specific policies such as inclusionary zoning. What Richard clearly describes in his thread is the economic impact of a Community Amenity Contribution (CAC) that requires developers to provide 20% social housing.
https://twitter.com/rwittstock/status/1581061030540873728?s=20&t=EGty0SC2Fk6AYt3qk3IE5g
The thread will walk you through all of the specific numbers, but I think there are three important takeaways:
Everything has a cost. It is entirely disingenuous for anyone to refer to inclusionary zoning or other similar policies as a mechanism for "no-cost" affordable housing. Even if you believe it is the right public policy approach, there is still a cost. Social housing doesn't just appear out of thin air.
In Richard's thread, the remaining market rate condominiums end up needing to be sold for $1,750 psf in order for the entire project to pencil. This is a significant number. But in this case, it is a result of these homes needing to shoulder the cost of the social housing. It is basically saying "housing is too expensive, so let's make it more expensive so that we can use some of the incremental proceeds to finance less expensive housing."
If the math doesn't work, developers will not build new housing.
P.S. Thank you Volodya Gusak for pointing out Richard's thread to me.
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