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Here is a mapping, from the University of Toronto's School of Cities, showing the number of "closed" building permits issued in Toronto between 2013 and 2023 for both rear-yard suites (laneway houses and garden suites) and secondary suites (like basement apartments).
A "closed" building permit probably means that construction is complete. However, it is not uncommon for a permit to inadvertently remain open. This happened to me with Mackay Laneway House. The permit was supposed to be closed, but it wasn't.
So here's the same mapping with open (i.e. active) permits also turned on:
Three things immediately stand out:
Secondary suites seem to be somewhat evenly distributed across the city.
Rear-yard suites are heavily concentrated in the older areas of the city, flanking the downtown core.
North Toronto is wealthy and isn't having either of these housing typologies.
Looking at these mappings, it probably seems like a decent amount of new housing. But that's not really the case:
From 2013 to 2023, Toronto issued 2,209 building permits for secondary suites (1,525 have been closed and 684 remain open as of December 31, 2023).
And from 2020 to 2023, Toronto issued 898 building permits for rear-yard suites (192 have been closed and 706 remain open, which does suggest some increased adoption). Rear-yard suites only became permissible in 2018, which is why the date range is shorter.
To be fair, I would imagine that many secondary suites get built without a building permit. So I think the above number is probably underestimating actual supply. But even still, it doesn't change the conclusion: A lot more needs to be done to increase the supply of new housing in Toronto.
Here is an interesting housing chart from Ryerson University's Centre for Urban Research (CUR) using data from CMHC:
What it shows is (1) the number of new housing using created through the addition of secondary suites, such as basement apartments and laneway suites; (2) the number of housing units lost to demolition or "deconversions", such as when a duplex or triplex gets converted (back) to a single-family home; and then (3) the net new units added over the last three years.
Here is a mapping, from the University of Toronto's School of Cities, showing the number of "closed" building permits issued in Toronto between 2013 and 2023 for both rear-yard suites (laneway houses and garden suites) and secondary suites (like basement apartments).
A "closed" building permit probably means that construction is complete. However, it is not uncommon for a permit to inadvertently remain open. This happened to me with Mackay Laneway House. The permit was supposed to be closed, but it wasn't.
So here's the same mapping with open (i.e. active) permits also turned on:
Three things immediately stand out:
Secondary suites seem to be somewhat evenly distributed across the city.
Rear-yard suites are heavily concentrated in the older areas of the city, flanking the downtown core.
North Toronto is wealthy and isn't having either of these housing typologies.
Looking at these mappings, it probably seems like a decent amount of new housing. But that's not really the case:
From 2013 to 2023, Toronto issued 2,209 building permits for secondary suites (1,525 have been closed and 684 remain open as of December 31, 2023).
And from 2020 to 2023, Toronto issued 898 building permits for rear-yard suites (192 have been closed and 706 remain open, which does suggest some increased adoption). Rear-yard suites only became permissible in 2018, which is why the date range is shorter.
To be fair, I would imagine that many secondary suites get built without a building permit. So I think the above number is probably underestimating actual supply. But even still, it doesn't change the conclusion: A lot more needs to be done to increase the supply of new housing in Toronto.
Here is an interesting housing chart from Ryerson University's Centre for Urban Research (CUR) using data from CMHC:
What it shows is (1) the number of new housing using created through the addition of secondary suites, such as basement apartments and laneway suites; (2) the number of housing units lost to demolition or "deconversions", such as when a duplex or triplex gets converted (back) to a single-family home; and then (3) the net new units added over the last three years.
In looking at the chart, you'll see that the City of Toronto actually lost about 2,000 units from its existing housing stock between 2019 and 2021. Again, these numbers only consider what's happening in the city's existing low-rise residential housing stock. They don't factor any of the housing supply being delivered through new condominiums and multi-family apartments.
Still, it's evidence for something that is perhaps already well known: many of Toronto's low-rise neighborhoods are losing people. They are losing people because the existing structures are housing fewer residents and they are losing people because we make it difficult to build new housing. We want them to be "stable." But stable built form doesn't necessarily mean that things aren't changing on the inside.
Now compare this to what's happening in Brampton (a suburb of Toronto). CUR is calling Brampton the land of secondary suites. Over the last three years, it added nearly 11,000 housing units and was on pace (at the time the data was published) to create nearly 6,000 last year alone (most of which are basement apartments). This is all within its existing housing stock.
With all of this, I think there's an interesting question about about how much of this is being driven by market demand and how much of this is being driven by land use policies. There's obviously demand for expensive single-family homes in Toronto, which is why "deconversions" are happening. But to what extent does this change if/when we become more permissive around multi-unit dwellings?
I think it depends on how we craft the policies.
In looking at the chart, you'll see that the City of Toronto actually lost about 2,000 units from its existing housing stock between 2019 and 2021. Again, these numbers only consider what's happening in the city's existing low-rise residential housing stock. They don't factor any of the housing supply being delivered through new condominiums and multi-family apartments.
Still, it's evidence for something that is perhaps already well known: many of Toronto's low-rise neighborhoods are losing people. They are losing people because the existing structures are housing fewer residents and they are losing people because we make it difficult to build new housing. We want them to be "stable." But stable built form doesn't necessarily mean that things aren't changing on the inside.
Now compare this to what's happening in Brampton (a suburb of Toronto). CUR is calling Brampton the land of secondary suites. Over the last three years, it added nearly 11,000 housing units and was on pace (at the time the data was published) to create nearly 6,000 last year alone (most of which are basement apartments). This is all within its existing housing stock.
With all of this, I think there's an interesting question about about how much of this is being driven by market demand and how much of this is being driven by land use policies. There's obviously demand for expensive single-family homes in Toronto, which is why "deconversions" are happening. But to what extent does this change if/when we become more permissive around multi-unit dwellings?
I think it depends on how we craft the policies.
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